The crime has been nick named “Flying While Muslim.” The term is a takeoff on the term used when African-Americans have been stopped in large numbers on highways: “Driving While Black.”
Civil rights lawyer Gadeir Abbas tells The Associated Press he gets about one telephone call a month from some young Muslim American who has just been barred from boarding an airplane somewhere in the world.
The exact reasons, he says, are never fully articulated. But the traveler’s name has been placed on the government’s terror watchlist—or the more serious no-fly list—and clearing one’s name becomes a legal and bureaucratic nightmare.
On Monday, Abbas sent letters to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and FBI Director Robert Mueller requesting assistance for his two most recent clients. One is a resident of Portland, Oregon, who is trying to fly to Italy to live with his mother. The other, a teenager and US citizen living in Jordan, has been unable to travel to Connecticut to lead prayers at a mosque.
Abbas, a lawyer with the Council on American-Islamic Relations, tries to piece together the reason why a client has been placed on the list. Perhaps a person has a similar name to a known terrorist. Maybe their travels to Yemen or some other Middle Eastern hot spot have sparked suspicions. Maybe they told the FBI to take a hike when the FBI asked to interview them.
From Abbas’ perspective, the placement on the no-fly list amounts to a denial of a traveler’s basic rights: US citizens can’t return home from overseas vacations, children are separated from parents, and those under suspicion are denied the basic due process rights that would allow them to clear their name.
Abbas describes the security bureaucracy as Kafkaesque, a labyrinthine maze of overlapping agencies, all of which refuse to provide answers unless they are threatened with legal action. One lawsuit is still pending in federal court in Alexandria, Virginia. That case has followed what has become a familiar pattern: Abbas either files a lawsuit or exposes the case to public scrutiny through the media, and within a few days the individual in question is able to travel. Government officials then ask a judge to dismiss any lawsuits that were filed, saying the case is now moot.
Government officials, however, see it differently. They say they have a Traveler Redress Inquiry Program that lets people wrongly placed on the no-fly list, or the much broader terrorist watchlist, fix mistakes.
More broadly, the government has argued in court that placing somebody on the no-fly list does not deprive them of any constitutional rights. Just because a person can’t fly doesn’t mean they can’t travel, the government lawyers argue. They can always take a boat, for example. Trans-oceanic passenger boats are, however, a rarity these days, not to mention very, very slow.
“Neither Plaintiff nor any other American citizen has either a right to international travel or a right to travel by airplane,” government lawyers wrote in their defense against a lawsuit by another of Abbas’ clients. The teenager from Virginia had found himself stuck in Kuwait after suspicions about his travel to Somalia apparently landed him on the no-fly list.
Exactly how many people are on the government’s lists is unclear. The Associated Press said some of the most recent estimates, from late 2009, say about 400,000 individuals are on the “watchlist,” which requires a “reasonable suspicion” that the person is known or suspected to be engaged in terrorist activities. A much smaller number—about 14,000—is on the “selectee list,” meaning they will likely have to undergo rigorous screening to travel. And officials estimated that 3,400 individuals, including roughly 170 US residents, are on the no-fly list and banned from boarding any US aircraft.
Michael Migliore was told by security officials last month that he is on the no-fly list after he tried to take a flight from Portland, Oregon, to Italy following his college graduation. Migliore, a Muslim and a dual citizen of the US and Italy, was planning a permanent move to Italy to live with his mother.
Migliore, 23, suspects he was placed on the no-fly list after he refused to talk to the FBI without a lawyer in November 2010, when the bureau was investigating an acquaintance charged in a plot to detonate a bomb at a Christmas tree lighting ceremony.
“I feel that I did the right thing,” Migliore said of his decision to exercise his rights when questioned by the FBI. “I didn’t do anything wrong…. It’s very frustrating, not knowing what’s going to happen, if I’m ever going to get off this list.”
For now, he’s waiting in Portland until he can get his name cleared for travel.
In another case, an 18-year-old US citizen living in Jordan with his parents was bounced from an EgyptAir flight to New York. Amr Abulrub had planned to lead Ramadan prayers at a Connecticut mosque.
After a few days of confusion, Abulrub learned from airline officials that the US government had instructed EgyptAir to cancel his ticket. US embassy officials in Amman have subsequently told Abulrub he can travel under certain restrictions, including a requirement that his flight to the US be booked on an American airline. But Abulrub is leery of traveling at all for fear that he won’t be allowed to go back to Jordan.
Abulrub’s father, Jalal Abulrub, suspects his son has come to the attention of US authorities because of the father’s writings. Jalal is a Salafist scholar who has sometimes written provocative articles and antagonized Christian evangelists he believed were disrespectful to Muslims. While Jalal says his family is Salafist—a fundamentalist branch of Islam—he is quick to point out that he has a long history of writing in opposition to the ideology espoused by Osama bin laden and al-Qaeda.
“I am not going to let this go,” Jalal told the AP, referring to his son’s inability to travel. “We don’t allow anyone to oppress us.”
