The charge threatens to undermine Iran’s entire position throughout Africa, where it has been spending much money and effort to develop ties.
Minutes of a cabinet meeting released last Wednesday showed that President Abdoulaye Wade, who has visited Tehran perhaps more times than any other African leader, reported that a forensic report on the bullets used by rebels in a recent attack showed they had been made in Iran.
The Islamic Republic ignored what President Wade said and complained that the severing of relations “has no logical justification.” The Foreign Ministry charged that Senegal must have acted under pressure from foreign powers.
It was not known if Senegal was ending just political ties or would sever economic ties as well. Iran Khodro assembles its Samand passenger car at a plant in Senegal for sale all over West Africa. Closure of the plant could hit the firm. Iranian Industries Minister Ali-Akbar Mehrabian said this week that production is continuing in Senegal and Iran has no plans to change because the plant is a profit-maker. He didn’t say what Senegal’s policy was, however.
Foreign Minister Ali-Akbar Salehi said Iran would not reciprocate by severing ties with Senegal because he believed Senegal was under pressure from foreign powers. But there is no action open to Iran—severing diplomatic ties is a unilateral action.
Iran just recently promised Senegal $200 million in trade financing to smooth over ruffled feathers. Officials have said nothing about that, but the money presumably will not now benefit Senegal.
Iran’s very serious problems in Africa began in October when Nigeria revealed it had found 13 shipping containers from Iran in one of its ports packed with armaments but labeled as building materials. It arrested an Iranian trying to arrange to have the containers forwarded to Gambia, Africa’s tiniest country, which is almost completely surrounded by Senegal.
Gambia said it had ordered no arms and severed all relations with Iran, not only kicking out Iran ‘s diplomats but also aid officials working on development projects in the country.
Senegal expressed concerns the arms might have been destined for some rebels who have long operated out of Casamance province, which abuts Gambia.
About the same time, the United States sanctioned two firms in Gambia that were run by Lebanese citizens the United States said were tied to the Lebanese Hezbollah. That raised the possibility that Iran was shipping arms to Hezbollah and laundering them through the Gambian firms. But no one has said to what address the arms, still in Nigeria, were to be forwarded, feeding the mystery.
Within a few weeks, Senegal got more suspicious and recalled its ambassador from Iran. It did not sever relations then or accuse Iran of any wrongdoing. But it was clearly suspicious. Iran sent then Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki to Senegal to patch things up. It was while Mottaki was in Senegal that he was fired. Some reports said it was Wade who told Mottaki he had been sacked.
In January, Mottaki’s replacement, Ali-Akbar Salehi, flew to Senegal and succeeded in patching things up with the $200 million. Senegal announced it was sending its ambassador back to Tehran and all was well—until last week.
In February, Iran’s ambassador to Nigeria called in reporters and said the shipment of arms that had been intercepted was the third in a series being made under a contract with the government of Gambia. He didn’t address the fact that Gambia said last year it had no arms deal with Iran. (Under the 2007 UN sanctions resolution, it is forbidden for Iran to export arms and for others to buy them.)
The Casamance rebellion has been underway fitfully for three decades. Since December, Senegal has reported 16 of its troops killed by rebels in a sudden flareup.
The biggest question is why Iran would even consider arming a band of rebels in a country with which Iran has very positive relations. While Wade has not curtailed ties with the West, he has been far more positive toward Iran than most distant small countries. He has visited Iran multiple times and has received President Ahmadi-nejad in Dakar twice.
There is no obvious reason for Iran to give support to Wade’s enemies. And, for that reason, many observers just do not believe that Senegal has done its forensic work on the bullets well.
Still, the charges by Wade, who is fairly well respected in Africa, threaten to undermine Iran’s position throughout Africa. Ahmadi-nejad has been trying to build good relations with African states, many of which have large numbers of Muslim citizens. One goal is believed to be to gain access to uranium deposits found in many African states. Another is to curry favor so that when African states serve on the UN Security Council they will not support new sanctions against Iran.
But as news of what Senegal has announced circulates across Africa, governments are likely to think twice about any dealings with Iran. The obvious question is: If Iran is supporting rebels against an African leader with whom it has had very good relations, how would Iran treat leaders with whom it is not so close?